This entanglement between settler colonialism and imperialism has been exposed by non-stop protests worldwide. More recently, the brave and impactful university and college encampments in North America and Europe have made at least one thing clear: the war on Palestine does not consist of two equal sides, occupier-occupied.
Clearly, the Hobart and William Smith Colleges teaching ban on Jodi Dean is a symptom of a broader and systematic assault on the freedom of association through US Counterinsurgency.
...creativity is a response to the urgent question of “How do we get across our struggles despite material limitations thaw we face? What strategies of organizing, educational activities can be done overcome the same limitations?” As for building the broad coalitions with multi-class character, she stresses that "being honest and open about difference and not turning a blind eye to contradictions create a healthy space of cooperation and criticism; and where people will be encouraged to exercise political maturity to overcome a common enemy.”
Wala sa lugar ni kakayahan ng NTF-ELCAC na magsuri ng mga akda. Kung gustong magsulat nila Badoy at Celiz ng literaturang “di subersibo,” magsulat sila. Ngunit malaking insulto sa utak nating mga Pilipino na diktahan ng isang “task force” para sugpuin ang rebolusyonaryong kilusan ang ating sensibilidad, panlasa at kakayahang magproseso ng nababasa at bumuo ng sariling kritika.
The US aggressive military postures toward China entails a maximized implementation of the VFA and EDCA as well as a more extensive presence of US military troops and facilities through US military largesse swapped with local oligarchic fealty to US military and economic interests.
We don't owe the Joint Hague Declaration solely to FVR. But that he enabled that part of our history, which, to my mind is our march toward just peace, is a legacy that each president of the Philippines after FVR must be measured against.
For the Filipino masses, especially the farmers, Kerima Lorena Tariman is a hero. No amount of terrorist-tagging can erase that.
To a class conscious worker, it is clear that the Philippine Revolution remains unfinished, and is, in fact, raging.
Ang materyalismong istoriko bilang pananaw sa kasaysayan ay binubuo ng masinsing pagsipat sa mga relasyong maka-uri na nagpapagalaw sa umiiral na moda ng produksyon sa isang tiyak na yugto o epoka sa kasaysayan.
This latest terrorist designation on the NDFP is a fascistic act of casting the net so wide in order to tag the armed revolutionary group as a growing network. That it comes with the government’s inability to contain the probable spread of the much feared COVID-19 Delta variant is no longer a shocker.
Garcellano’s “The Philippines As Yugoslavia Revisited” wields academic freedom as a tool to crystallize the best aspects of so-called competing paradigms. But this is less an affirmation of the “marketplace of ideas,” a faux heterodoxy that has no other function but to fragment and marginalize in the name of pluralism than Garcellano’s thoughtful engagement with dialectical thought and totality.
Sa pagsulpot ng mga Community Pantry sa buong kapuluan, nagkaroon ng bagong hugpungan o pagkakatagpo-tagpo. Sa hugpungang ito, matingkad ang diwa ng kolektibismo na may potensyal na makipagtalaban sa gutom, karahasan at pandemya. Litaw rin ang materyal na pag-iral ng use value (laban sa exchange value) upang makamtan ng mamamayan ang kanilang mga pangangailangan.
El Caracazo in 1989 and the current Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela show that resistance to imperialist plunder and mass immiseration and murder of the people through the IMF-WB and the whole neoliberal project is possible and the absolute right and duty of the people.
In the midst of a heightened climate of impunity, this current volume locates the place of the people’s war as a revolutionary process in which alternatives are approached in terms of tactical and strategic objectives. In doing so, resistance is foregrounded as both an actual reality and a goal of people’s war taking place in two different and parallel spheres, namely, organized and legal street protest and the underground revolutionary armed struggle.
Those activists taught us how to expand, how to imagine the world with compassion, a sense of mission and commitment, freely, creatively and scientifically. None of our goals end when our personal ambitions shatter. There is a bigger picture to this accord and even to the so-called student power that made it possible.
What do we do with this history? What must we do with our very own politicians - - Duterte and a consolidated Philippine senate and congress who have only looted us, shown us obscene disrespect, and barbarism? Their actions are akin to US-backed local operatives deployed to exact the most severe violence among the people-- mass murder, corruption, hunger, and repression.
Without undergoing a revolutionary process, governments in neo-colonies like the Philippines cannot plan. This government will always have to wait for imperialist dictates through neoliberal structural adjustment of the economy and culture. This government has no sense of nation because to think of nation and national sovereignty is to be up against imperialism, which has been the source of political and economic power by rich and corrupt Filipino politicians.
Neoliberal ideology marks the class struggle as a thing of the past. We are in the era of post-politics, as it were. No more class struggle, no more revolution, there is nothing to redistribute at a time when productivity is at its highest in the whole history of capitalism. Yet class struggle is raging in the peripheries and semi-colonies. That people are massively incarcerated, abused, brutalized by the police, rendered homeless with no access to health care and proper nutrition is also a sign of class struggle, especially considering how Occupy America’s one percent thrives precisely because of all that human misery.
This is why it is important to equate “poor” with “vulnerable.” Why, the most oppressed and exploited are also the most organized and politicized. More than ever, it is crucial for the ruling elite and their imperialist masters to deny that landless peasants, wage workers, informal workers and the unemployed wield the power of conceptual thought within the context of a protracted people's war for national liberation and socialism.
Peace talks comes primarily because in the country’s hinterlands, a people’s army, guided by a communist party, is building organs of democratic political power. And in various sites, the communist bid for land redistribution, national industrialization, and a participatory planned economy through socialism is paralleled by organized, institutionalized and legitimate endeavors pursuing the same vision. This is enough for a government that is provisionally hijacked by compradors and imperialists to talk peace and reforms.
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